George Soros's political committees have poured more than $40 million into Democratic campaigns and allied groups ahead of Election Day, with $30 million alone pledged to flip a critical Michigan Senate seat, even as the party's nominee there campaigns on getting money out of politics.
Democracy PAC and Democracy PAC II, a pair of political committees created and funded by the Soros network, disbursed the money to Democratic allies as of the end of June, Fox News Digital reported after a review of campaign finance records. The largest single beneficiary: Senate Majority PAC, the Schumer-aligned super PAC that received $9 million from Democracy PAC this cycle and has pledged $30 million to help elect Abdul El-Sayed, the Democratic Senate nominee in Michigan.
El-Sayed, a progressive candidate who narrowly defeated Haley Stevens in the Democratic primary, has made campaign-finance reform a centerpiece of his pitch to Michigan voters. In a 2025 interview with a local news outlet, he framed the issue in sweeping terms.
El-Sayed told the local outlet:
"The fundamental corruption of our politics has been the system that allows corporations and would-be oligarchs and billionaires to buy politicians."
In a follow-up interview, he added:
"I want to get money out of politics, put money in your pocket, pass Medicare for all."
Yet the candidate is scheduled to attend a Sept. 28 California fundraiser hosted by Jeffrey Soros, nephew of billionaire George Soros. His campaign did not respond when Fox News Digital reached out for comment on Monday. A spokesperson for the Soros family also did not respond.
The gap between El-Sayed's rhetoric and his donor calendar is not subtle. He labels billionaire political spending "fundamental corruption," then accepts a $30 million spending pledge from a billionaire-funded super PAC and jets to a fundraiser organized by a member of the same billionaire family. Voters who take him at his word on money in politics are left to reconcile that word with his schedule.
Alyssa Brouillet, spokeswoman for Republican Senate nominee Mike Rogers, put the contradiction bluntly in a statement to Fox News Digital:
"Abdul El-Sayed is only for 'money out of politics' when it isn't being spent on him. He's wining and dining Soros billionaires and begging Chuck Schumer for money while Mike Rogers is taking on Big Pharma and calling for a suspension of the gas tax to lower costs for working families."
Brouillet added: "Mike Rogers is fighting for Michigan. Abdul El-Sayed is cozying up to billionaires and lying to Michiganders."
El-Sayed's progressive coalition extends well beyond the Soros orbit. The Washington Free Beacon reported that the Democratic Socialists of America have shifted organizers, volunteers, and resources into Michigan to boost his candidacy. Justice Democrats and the Working Families Party, groups with known ties to Soros-linked funding networks, are also part of the effort. Left-wing consultant Vincent Vertuccio described the alignment: "Everybody in the coalition is on the same page, whether it be Justice Dems, whether it be [the Working Families Party], whether it be DSA."
El-Sayed held a 20-point polling lead over his primary opponent before clinching the nomination, making him the standard-bearer for a broad left-wing infrastructure now converging on a single swing-state Senate seat.
Senate Majority PAC and House Majority PAC rank among the largest beneficiaries of Soros-linked funding. So does the J Street Action Fund, the political arm of J Street, a vocal critic of Israeli government policies. Justice & Public Safety PAC, the primary vehicle behind the Soros family's effort to elect progressive prosecutors across the country, has pulled in close to $2 million through its federal and non-federal arms.
The progressive-prosecutor pipeline has drawn sustained scrutiny. In Philadelphia, a federal judge recently referred DA Larry Krasner to the Justice Department for a possible criminal investigation, one of the most prominent prosecutors to have benefited from Soros-backed spending in prior cycles.
Beyond direct campaign contributions, the Soros network routes money through 501(c)(4) nonprofits, tax-exempt groups that are only required to release financial disclosures annually, often a year or more after the spending occurs. That lag means the full scope of Soros-linked spending in the current cycle will not be publicly visible until well after voters have cast their ballots.
The Open Society Foundations, the philanthropic empire George Soros founded, have funded efforts to reduce the number of people in prison, end cash bail, elect progressive prosecutors, expand rights for illegal immigrants, and address what the organization describes as racism among law enforcement. Between 2022 and 2023, Soros gradually transferred control of the political and philanthropic operation to his son Alex.
Other recipients of Soros family support during the current cycle include the League of Conservation Voters Action Fund, the Working Families Party PAC, which works to elect progressives primarily in New York, and Fair Fight, the voter mobilization organization founded by Stacey Abrams and focused on helping Democrats in Georgia.
Michigan is not the first high-profile race to draw heavy Soros investment this cycle. Democratic Govs. Josh Shapiro of Pennsylvania and Abigail Spanberger of Virginia both received financial support from the Soros family's political committees during their 2025 campaigns. The Michigan Senate race now represents the next front, and, at $30 million in pledged spending from Senate Majority PAC alone, one of the most expensive.
The broader pattern raises a question the Soros network has never directly answered: if the goal is to reduce the influence of big money in American politics, a cause El-Sayed champions on the stump, why does the strategy depend entirely on concentrating big money behind preferred candidates? Neither the Soros family nor El-Sayed's campaign offered a response when asked.
Meanwhile, the Michigan Democratic Senate primary itself was marked by accusations of corruption and outside manipulation long before the general election began. El-Sayed emerged from that contest as the nominee, and his policy positions, including his defense of transgender procedures for minors, place him firmly on the progressive wing of the party.
Rogers, the Republican nominee, has centered his campaign on pocketbook issues. His campaign says he is pushing for a suspension of the gas tax and taking on pharmaceutical companies over drug pricing, a contrast his team is eager to draw against a Democratic opponent attending fundraisers in California while Michigan families pay the bills.
Concerns about donor influence and privately funded political access are not limited to one party or one state. But the scale of Soros-linked spending, over $40 million disbursed before the cycle's final months, with 501(c)(4) totals still hidden from public view, stands out even in an era of record-breaking political expenditures.
The 501(c)(4) disclosure gap is the least-discussed piece of this story and arguably the most consequential. Nonprofits in the Soros network can spend freely on political activity without revealing their donors until long after the election is decided. Voters in Michigan and across the country will cast ballots without knowing the full picture of who funded the campaigns asking for their trust.
El-Sayed says he wants to get money out of politics. The $40 million flowing in behind him suggests the people writing the checks have a different plan, and the candidate collecting the benefit has not found the contradiction worth explaining.