President Donald Trump endorsed the expulsion of Rep. Jamie Raskin from Congress on Thursday, backing conservative commentator Mark Levin's push for House Republicans to remove the Maryland Democrat who has made targeting Trump a centerpiece of his congressional career.
Trump posted the call on Truth Social, tying it to Raskin's long record of impeachment efforts, his role on the January 6 Committee, and his involvement in attempts to use the 14th Amendment to keep Trump off the ballot. The president also claimed that only a Biden-era pardon has kept Raskin out of legal jeopardy.
No formal expulsion proceeding has been introduced. But the exchange between Trump and Levin lays down a clear marker: the right is done treating Raskin's serial procedural offensives as ordinary politics and wants consequences.
The sequence began when Levin, posting on X, urged House Republicans to begin the expulsion process. His post catalogued what he described as Raskin's pattern of using every available constitutional mechanism to remove or sideline Trump.
Levin wrote on X:
"Jamie Raskin is already leading a plot to impeach the President if the Democrats take the House. He led the prior two impeachments against the President, has pushed for his resignation in the past, also was involved in twisting the 14th Amendment to ban candidate Trump from ballots, objected to electoral college votes for Trump in the first election, and was a member of the Pelosi January 6 Committee that, among other things, destroyed records before the GOP took over the House."
That is a dense bill of particulars. Levin's claim that the January 6 Committee destroyed records before Republicans assumed the House majority is a charge that has circulated in conservative circles for years. His assertion that Raskin is "already leading a plot" to impeach Trump again, contingent on Democrats winning the House, frames the Maryland congressman not as an opposition lawmaker but as a repeat offender.
Trump's Truth Social response went further. He endorsed Levin's call and added his own accusations, as Breitbart reported.
The president wrote:
"Jamie Raskin, a Loser in Life, who worked endlessly during my First Term to impeach me, and failed miserably, wasting the Country's money, time, and effort, will guaranteed be trying to do it again."
Trump then pivoted to the question of accountability, and a pardon he attributed to former President Biden:
"If Biden didn't give him a pardon, he'd be in jail right now! Something should be done about people like this who do bad things, but always come up on the short end because of their illegal or unscrupulous behavior, and hurt our Country in the process."
The specific pardon Trump referenced was not detailed in his post. But the accusation carries a sharp edge: the implication that Raskin's conduct crossed legal lines and that only executive clemency shielded him from prosecution.
Trump closed with a direct endorsement of expulsion:
"I agree with Mark Levin when he says to, EXPEL THE BUM. Congress can never be great with people like this, who suffer massively from Trump Derangement Syndrome (TDS), casting their vote of HATE!"
Set aside the rhetoric and look at the timeline Levin assembled. Raskin's efforts to use institutional power against Trump stretch across nearly the entirety of Trump's political career.
He objected to electoral college votes for Trump after the first election. He played a leading role in both impeachment proceedings during Trump's first term. He sat on the Pelosi-created January 6 Committee. He was involved in the legal effort to invoke the 14th Amendment's disqualification clause to bar Trump from running again.
And now, Levin claims, Raskin is already organizing the next impeachment push, one that would activate if Democrats recapture the House.
That is not the profile of a legislator focused on his Maryland constituents' priorities. It is the profile of a lawmaker who has turned opposition to one man into a full-time vocation, using every procedural tool available, and, as Levin alleges, some that were misused.
Raskin was not the only Democrat in Trump's sights. The president also targeted Rep. Al Green of Texas, another persistent advocate for Trump's impeachment.
Trump wrote:
"Al Green, who just lost his race in a landslide to an unknown candidate but, in my opinion, one that had more talent than Raskin. He spent time on the Unselect Committee of Political Hacks and Thugs, and was rebuffed on that, just as he has been rebuffed on Impeachment, and many other things."
The specific race Trump referenced was not identified. But the point was plain: Green's voters delivered a verdict that Washington's impeachment class has been unwilling to render on itself.
Expelling a member of Congress is not a presidential prerogative. The Constitution gives that power to each chamber, and it requires a two-thirds supermajority vote. No formal motion to expel Raskin has been introduced, and no member of Congress was cited as having begun that process.
The practical odds are steep. House Republicans hold a narrow majority. Reaching two-thirds would require a substantial number of Democrats to vote against their own colleague, a near-impossibility in today's partisan environment.
But the political signal matters even without the votes. Trump and Levin are reframing Raskin's conduct as something more than standard opposition. They are treating his pattern of impeachment efforts, committee participation, and ballot-disqualification campaigns as a cumulative abuse of office, one that warrants the most severe sanction Congress can impose on its own members.
Several details remain unresolved. Trump's reference to a Biden pardon protecting Raskin from jail raises obvious questions: What pardon? When was it issued? What conduct did it cover? The president's post did not specify, and no additional documentation was provided.
Levin's claim that the January 6 Committee "destroyed records before the GOP took over the House" is similarly unaccompanied by specific evidence in his post. It is a serious accusation, destruction of congressional records would be a grave matter, but it stands here as an assertion, not a documented finding.
And the central question: Will any House Republican actually file an expulsion resolution? Without that step, the Trump-Levin exchange remains a political statement rather than a procedural action. It puts Raskin on notice. It energizes a base that views the Maryland congressman as the embodiment of institutional overreach. But it does not, by itself, change anything on the House floor.
What the exchange does accomplish is something simpler and perhaps more durable: it names the pattern. Raskin has spent years cycling through every available mechanism to remove, disqualify, or delegitimize Trump. Electoral college objections. Two impeachments. The January 6 Committee. The 14th Amendment gambit. And now, according to Levin, preparations for a third impeachment.
At some point, a lawmaker who devotes the bulk of his energy to removing one elected president from power, by any procedural means available, invites the question of whether he is serving his constituents or pursuing an obsession. Trump and Levin are asking that question loudly.
Whether Congress acts on it is another matter. But the fact that a sitting president is publicly calling for a member's expulsion, and grounding that call in a documented pattern of conduct, not a single incident, marks a new phase in the confrontation between the Trump administration and its most persistent congressional antagonists.
When a congressman makes his entire career about removing one president, he should not be surprised when that president suggests the favor be returned.